Embassy of the USA in Malabo

REACCIONES EN TORNA AL ARTÍCULO APARECIDO RECIENTEMENTE EN TIRANÍA EN ESTE MES DE NOVIEMBRE DE 2013.
En relación al artículo: Parte I- ¿Qué se espera que aporte la sentada de los Pueblos contra los males de Guinea Ecuatorial?.

Escribió D. Samuel Mba Mombe: " ¿NO has conocido hasta ahora a ninguno de la etnia mayoritaria que no está de acuerdo con el sistema establecido? La AUTOCRÏTICA la deben hacer los que ostentan el poder que no son todos los fang. ¿Se puede sentar con Obiang para dialogar? Es una pregunta. Si lo podéis conseguir no estaría nada malo. Cuando proponemos que luchemos todos juntos contra la dictadura para que libres de la tiranía de Obiang articulemos y vertebremos un proyecto de convivencia consensuado para que ésta no fuera más violentada por la razón fuera, nos dicen que el problema no está ahí. Yo de verdad pienso y no soy futurólogo que en democracia todos podemos plantear y replantear nuestros problemas y discutirlos con la cabeza y no con el corazón".


Replica Etomba A Ndowe: Samuel, ¿estarás de acuerdo conmigo en que la pierna que ha sido picada por una serpiente, le teme a una simple cuerda verdad? Pues bien, esta es la cronología de los hechos acaecidos y responsables de esta situación que existe hoy en Guinea Ecuatorial:


1.-Los ndowé promueven la independencia. España acepta independizar sólo a los ndowé y rechazamos esa propuesta, exigiendo independencia para todos y llamamos a los Fang en la lucha.


2.- Conferencia Constitución en 1967, los ndowé ponen en la mesa arreglar el asunto étnico.


3.- Los Fang responden diciendo que ese asunto se arreglará en el parlamento de G.E.


4.- En 1968 llega la Independencia


5.- Los ndowé piden arreglar el tema étnico, los fang se levantan llamando a eso separatismo y comienza la purga (Todos los fang apoyan a Macías y digo todos, se lanzan a la caza de los ndowé); con el resultado de la masacre de todos los políticos, intelectuales y profesionales ndowé y proceden a la ocupación del espacio ndowé. En Bata, los ndowé era mayoría, todos los fang apoyan a Macías y proceden a robo, saqueo y ocupación del territorio ndowé. Para callarte, porque dirás que eres de Ebebiyin, ha y un pájaro llamado “Ebebiyin Central”, era un malicioso miliciano, violador y asesino, muy conocido y como él todos. La prueba más contundente es que ahora Bata está lleno de fang llegados de todas partes. Hoy en día dicen incluso que son de Bata y los ndowé son de ninguna parte.


6.- Desde Marzo 1969 y con terror apabullante, los fang monopolizan la política, la economía y la sociedad del país.


7.- 1979, llega Obiang al poder y a partir del 1989 Obiang cierra el círculo de aventajados y ahí algunos fang se ven perjudicados y comienzan las quejas. NUNCA POR EL BIENESTAR DE TODOS LOS GUINEANOS, SINO PORQUE OBIANG ESTABLECE SU PARTICULAR MODELO DE ESTADO, FAMILIAR, CLÁNICO, TRIBAL, QUE EXCLUYE AL GRUESO PUEBLO FANGO EN EL REPARTO DEL BOTÍN DEL ROBO DE LAS AYUDAS INTERNACIONALES.


8.- 1990-95, se descubre el petróleo y comienza la discriminación entre los mismos fang. El dinero del petróleo no llega al 90% de los fang y los fang hacen oposición según ellos en el exterior.


9.- 2010. Aparecen los ndowé en la política primero con el Plan Consensuado de Reconciliación Nacional y Restauración Democrática para Guinea Ecuatorial, consistente en la idea de la sentada de todos, con el dictador inclusive. Reacciona Obiang ignorándolo y la reacción los fang del exterior que dicen hacer oposición es exactamente igual que la de Obiang; ignoran la propuesta ndowé. No tienen ideas y no proponen nada coherente.

10.- Desde entonces, los ndowé han puesto 3 propuestas más sobre la mesa, basados en la sentada exclusiva de los pueblos ya que la soberanía había sido secuestrada por el hermano fang y lo único que dicen todos los fang es lo que dices tú Samuel: “luchemos todos juntos contra la dictadura para que libres de la tiranía de Obiang articulemos y vertebremos un proyecto de convivencia consensuado para que ésta no fuera más violentada por la razón fuera”


Ahora analiza fríamente Samuel, ¿no te parece que lo que pretenden ustedes es repetir la misma historia de 1967?. Fíjate en los puntos 2 y 3 de arriba, lo que pedíamos en 1967, es lo mismo que pedimos ahora. La respuesta fang de 1967 que dio pie a todos los abusos ocurridos, es la misma respuesta fang de ahora. Sabiendo lo que sucedió por haberos escuchado en 1967, ¿Nos crees estúpidos como para tragar de nuevo ese anzuelo? No hermano Samuel, esta vez construiremos la casa desde la base, con unos cimientos sólidos y no como quieren ustedes, construir la casa empezando por el techo. Ahora articulemos y vertebramos primero un proyecto de convivencia consensuada y después tumbamos a Obiang, porque nos conocemos y el rechazo fang a todas las iniciativas ndowé de construir la casa desde la base, demuestra claramente vuestras intenciones y preferencias por el desorden que ya conocemos. Sabemos exactamente y con precisión vuestras pretensiones y lo que sucederá si accedemos y te lo diré: Caerá Obiang, subirá otro tirano y esta vez si nos borrareis del mapa y eso no permitiremos que ocurra hermano.

INSISTAN UDS. Y TERMINAREMOS CADA CUAL A LO SUYO Y PUNTO.

Letter to Assistant Secretaries Carson and Posner
On February 11, 2011 Juan Tomás Ávila Laurel, the acclaimed Spanish language essayist, blogger, and poet from Equatorial Guinea, began a hunger strike. After 32 years under the autocratic government of President Teodoro Obiang Nguema, Ávila Laurel’s drastic action suddenly became Equatorial Guinea’s most visible internal demand for genuine democracy, freedom, and human rights.



The same day that Ávila Laurel began his strike in Equatorial Guinea, Egyptian President Mubarak announced his resignation after massive popular protest. It was also on this day that the government of Equatorial Guinea forbade the state radio and TV stations from broadcasting news about the popular uprisings occurring in Egypt and Tunisia. Ávila Laurel’s hunger strike, which lasted seven days, was a life‐threatening challenge to Equatorial Guinea’s repressive and stagnant political, social, and economic status quo. It represented a courageous protest that held at its core the undeniable and universal call for democracy.



Ávila Laurel’s hunger strike challenged the Equatoguinean government’s enduring betrayal of the basic humanitarian conditions its citizens need for security and development. It called for dialogue between the ruling government and members of the opposition and civil society to pave the way for transparent and accountable governance. And it symbolizes the wider discontent that cannot be expressed inside the country due to government repression.



Predictably, the Equatoguinean government is attempting to sidestep the demand for fundamental reforms on which Laurel’s hunger strike was based. Instead, the government has dismissed the hunger strike as an isolated and inconsequential incident http://www.guineaecuatorialpress.com/noticia.php?id=1328&lang=en. In fact, over the past 31 years, the government has successfully crushed or co‐opted any fledgling movement intended to strengthen and expand the influence of civil society. Censorship is commonplace and the local media is government‐controlled. The government’s security forces kidnap and assassinate dissident voices. In this context, a return to Equatorial Guinea after such an outspoken display of opposition could cost Ávila Laurel his life.



An EG Justice letter sent to the State Department in September 2010 detailed the Obiang regime’s most recent and brazen defiance of human rights standards. In January 2010, the government kidnapped four UN‐recognized refugees. It illegally detained and tortured them for a period of more than seven months. In August 2010, these citizens were adjudicated in military—not civilian—court, given guilty verdicts, and were immediately sentenced and executed without any recourse to appeal. These state‐sanctioned assassinations occurred one month after the United Nations Human Rights Commission recommended—and the Equatorial Guinean government accepted—that it cease its practice of abducting and secretly detaining refugees from neighboring countries.



Today in Equatorial Guinea it is not mass mobilizations but the courageous action of a famous literary figure that has become the face of the nation’s struggle for democratic reform.



On behalf of Juan Tomas Ávila Laurel and the thousands of other Equatoguinean citizens denied a democratic voice, we write to you as concerned individuals united in our commitment to the principles of justice and human rights for all citizens of Equatorial Guinea. This appeal is more important and urgent than ever, as President Obiang now represents not just Equatorial Guinea, but all of Africa, as the newly‐elected Chair of the African Union and host of the upcoming AU Summit (Summer 2011), which will put the regime under an international spotlight. With mass appeals for democracy occurring across the African continent, it is time for the U.S. government to send President Obiang and the African Union a strong message: dictators will no longer be tolerated or supported.



We ask that in your official capacity as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs and for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, respectively, you send a strong message to the Equatoguinean government to honor its citizens’ basic rights to freely assemble, associate, and speak without intimidation or any type of reprisal.



We urge you to support the formation and growth of a genuine Equatoguinean civil society through U.S. government‐supported projects and programs.



We urge the U.S. government to pressure Equatoguinean government officials to eliminate all restrictive permit requirements on the press and all laws that preclude robust civic participation by civil society groups, citizens, and political parties.



We ask that the U.S. State Department put pressure on the Equatoguinean government to comply with all international laws and treaties that Equatorial Guinea has signed and ratified, and to implement all of the recommendations it accepted at its Universal Periodic Review.



Through these measures, the U.S. government can help ensure that the basic human freedoms that form both the basis of U.S. foreign policy and the cornerstones of long‐term political stability will be established and allowed to take root in Equatorial Guinea.



P.O. Box 1424

McLean, VA 22101

www.egjustice.org

LETTER TO JOSE BONO MARTINEZ, PRESIDENT OF THE SPANISH PARLIAMENT, AS A RESOULT OF HIS RECENT VISIT TO MALABO.
On 11 February in Equatorial Guinea, a writer by the name of Juan Tomás Ávila Laurel embarked on a hunger strike to claim justice and democracy for his people. In a desperate bid for democracy, he has written an open letter to José Bono, president of the Spanish Congress of Deputies, on the occasion of the latter's official visit to Malabo, requesting Spain to oversee a transition to democracy.



Since you believe so much in the moral standing of President Obiang, who has been in power since 1979, we ask you whole-heartedly to do the necessary efforts and pressures to establish in Guinea a transitional government without any of those who have held high offices in these 32 years.



This, as you may believe, is not a political demand, but a social and moral one. We can no longer live under a dictatorship that eats our soul.



Mr Bono, all we want is for you to get Obiang, his son Teodorin, the First Lady Constancia, the brothers and cousins, generals and colonels who support this unqualified power to seek asylum in a safe country. We believe that with the third of the money saved abroad by one of them, they will live up to the rest of their days. The remaining money will be returned to the country. Ask the governments of the countries involved in this massive evasion of money to work and have faith in our requests, both in the allocation of a minimum to the First Family so they will be able to live and in returning the rest of the money to the country.



We don't ask them to be judged, because, until now, that is not a demand made by any organization. How could they request that if they are legitimated with your gestures. And it would not make sense to demand it afterwards: it would be a greater hypocrisy.



With the money recovered, Mr. Bono, would be used to build schools and train teachers and professors and to take those thousands of young people kidnapped by poverty out of the Guinean army and give them education and training. And we would educate Guinean children in a rich country like this one.



With this money and what remains of it, we will institute justice and fight impunity. We will train judges and strengthen our judicial system. With this money, Mr. Bono, we will cultivate our lands, we will fill our pantries and fight against environmental degradation. In short, we will buy what is indispensable for a minimally decent life.



With an agenda as human as possible, we will have a dignified life in Guinea, because we believe that there are resources to achieve this.



This is not a government agenda, Mr. Bono, but if you let wise people do what they can and want to do, what will be say about Guinea will be of mutual benefit to Spain and to all Guinean who live here and in many regions and provinces of Spain hoping a miracle that will not happen if we and you don't do what you must, taking advantage of your visit.



It is not fair to leave my life in your hands, Mr. Bono, but I have to admit that you have a lot to do with what will happen with it.



Malabo, February 11, 2011



The Government of Equatorial Guinea issued the following response on its website to Mr. Ávila's hunger strike.

http://www.guineaecuatorialpress.com/noticia.php?id=1328&lang=en

_________________________________________________________________________________

2010 Human Rights Report: Equatorial Guinea

US Department of State-Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor

April 8, 2011

http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/af/154344.htm

_________________________________________________________________________________

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